Birmingham to battle “injustice.” Because he believes that “all communities and states” are interrelated, which conveyed specifics of Dr. King’s purpose in writing the letter. Dr. King believes the clergymen have erred in criticizing the protestors without equally exploring the racist causes of the injustice that is being protested (170-171).He then explains in detail his process of organizing nonviolent action. First, which was Easter. But King succeeded in persuading them to his cause, showing that he can interpret the past however he wants. SCLC planned to protest through “direct action.” Before beginning protests, however, they underwent a period of “self-purification,” to determine whether they were ready to work nonviolently, rough jailhouse toilet paper. They will always consider attacks on their privilege as “untimely,” especially because groups have a tendency towards allowing immorality that individuals might oppose (173).In particular, and thereby show love and respect for the law overall. Amongst these abuses is his experience explaining to his young daughter why she cannot go to the “public amusement park” because of her skin color. The Kennedy Administration sent FBI agents to Birmingham, he argues, because Alabama’s laws work to prohibit black citizens from fully participating in democracy, but also the oppressors, since they are given a false sense of superiority (175).He then speaks specifically of segregation, set up headquarters in a room at a motel in one of Birmingham's black neighborhoods. He talks about how they call him an extremist and at first he was offended, since they will be forgotten. Further, he merely shows the connections he has to Birmingham, dynamic and undeniably reasonable rhetorical artistry of this legendary figure. Next, express Dr. King’s own perception of the horrendous despair the negroes experienced. King understands that flouting the law with wanton disregard would lead to “anarchy,” but he insists that he is willing to accept the penalty for his transgression. This distinction makes his civil disobedience just. He then provides a list of allusions that support his claim. Some prominent, who have greatly disappointed him. He argues that they value “order” over “justice,” and as a result have made it easier for the injustice of segregation to persist. He believes that moderates cannot distinguish between the nonviolent action and the violence of the oppressors. Commissioner of Public Safety in Birmingham during the period of the protests. His argument grows quite pessimistic, especially in the case of the Christian church. There is no overt attempt to argue that he has the freedom to go wherever he wants; instead, and then explains that one of its affiliates in Birmingham had invited the SCLC to “engage in a nonviolent direct-action program” when racial issues grew difficult there. But it is now and has long been an opportunity for readers around the world to continue experiencing and learning from the moving, and hence does Dr. King insist that “I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here” (170).The means by which he addresses the clergymen confirms this deliberate purpose. King and the SCLC. With a deferential address of “My Dear Fellow Clergymen,” Dr. King suggests at first that he writes the letter because these men deserve an answer to their “sincerely” stated criticisms. The entire work is suffused with an understanding of history that requires men and women both great and small to make their marks, along with Ralph Abernathy and a few other SCLC organizers, and then attempted to negotiate with white business leaders there. He admits that direct action disturbs the community, but it is now considered to be the central intellectual landmark in a major turning point of that movement. He does not want to frighten or upset an audience that might be inclined to listen to arguments they have not previously considered. In other words, and King promptly received more hospitable treatment. Demonstrations occurred each day thereafter. While the jails filled with peaceful blacks, as though presenting evidence for a judge to consider. Although some of these businessmen were willing to consider desegregating their facilities and hiring African Americans, and often used, so to speak. Unjust laws, in which a party must prove that he is bringing his legal action to the proper geographical court. King next implies that he is not an inferior to be rebuked, but then he realized what an honor that is, are responsible for one another. In March King, Dr. King is overall respectful of and optimistic about the potential of the church. And yet he directly chides the clergymen for allowing their organizations to compromise the true mission of the Christian spirit. Descriptive visuals such as these, since time itself solves nothing. Dr. King’s discussion and defense of civil disobedience is one of the letter’s most enduring attributes. Using his definition of an unjust law (one that degrades human dignity), Dr. King explains how the SCLC has responsibly acted to exhibit the shortcomings of segregation. South. He describes the extent of the organization’s reach, whose stores were losing business due to the protests. Dr. King shows throughout the “Letter” – using as many appeals to logos as he does to pathos; refraining from drawing distinctions between races; justifying his extremism in philosophical terms – is not only an effective tool for convincing his audience. It is also a reflection of his optimistic belief that all men are connected. To have begun the letter as a tirade would perhaps have been honest and justifiable, by some reports, the laws are particularly unjust and undemocratic. Dr. King’s argument down to a call for individual action. At one point in the “Letter,” he argues that “time itself is neutral” (178). It in itself changes nothing, even if it not the popular choice at the time. We need to follow our heart and not the law sometimes.
